His bills, measured against a denominator

Why seniority-matched, and why by party. How far a member's bills get depends heavily on seniority, on whether the member holds a committee or party leadership post, and above all on whether the member's party controls the House. So the comparison matches on the first two. It then reports Republicans and Democrats in separate columns rather than pooling them, because in every Congress the two parties' members stood on opposite sides of the majority line. Pooling them would mix "which party ran the House" with how effective each member was. In 2023–24 that would make any Republican look better than the typical Democrat, for reasons that have nothing to do with the individual.

2023–24 comparison group. Every member of the 118th Congress in his or her 6th, 7th, or 8th term (Huizenga was in his 7th), excluding the Speaker, party leaders, and full-committee chairs. Subcommittee chairs, including Huizenga, stay in. That gives 29 Republicans and 40 Democrats besides Huizenga. Seniority, leadership posts, and chairmanships are as coded in the Center for Effective Lawmaking's data.

2011–2024 comparison group. Members first elected from 2006 through 2010 (within two terms of Huizenga's 2010 election) who served in every Congress from 2011 through 2024 and never chaired a full committee or held a party leadership post in that span: 24 Republicans and 16 Democrats. Both parties' members spent some of these years in the majority and some in the minority, but Republicans held the majority in five of the seven Congresses.

2025–26 comparison group. Members of the 2023–24 group who are still in the House, minus the four who became full-committee chairs in 2025 (Eric Crawford, Brett Guthrie, David Schweikert, and Tim Walberg), per the House Clerk's member data. That leaves 17 Republicans and 30 Democrats besides Huizenga.

Where the numbers come from. For 2011–2024: the Center for Effective Lawmaking, a joint project of the University of Virginia and Vanderbilt University. It publishes counts of each member's sponsored bills by the furthest stage reached, including, since 2021, bills whose text became law inside another bill. It also compares each member's Legislative Effectiveness Score with a benchmark: the score expected for a member of the same party, seniority, majority status, and committee or subcommittee leadership. This page uses the House file revised June 26, 2025. It's an academic data set, not a government source, and the scores are the Center's. This site computes none of its own. For 2025–26, which the Center hasn't covered yet: each member's sponsored House bills and joint resolutions from GovTrack, a nonpartisan tracker, and each bill's furthest stage from its official bill-status file on GovInfo, 1,038 bills in all, retrieved Sept. 25, 2026. "Committee action" there means a hearing, markup, or report recorded in the bill's actions. Those counts cover stand-alone bills only and include commemorative bills, which the Center counts separately. So the 2025–26 figures aren't directly comparable with the Center's.

Every median excludes Huizenga. The tables report medians and ranges, not rankings.

The Center's benchmark is the fairest cross-party yardstick, because it already adjusts for majority status, seniority, and leadership posts. On its main measure for this Congress, LES 2.0, Huizenga scored 2.38 against a benchmark of 1.48, which the Center labels "exceeds expectations." On its older "classic" measure, which doesn't count text included in other bills, he scored 2.07 against 1.49, labeled "meets expectations."

Huizenga's "exceeds" rating puts him in a category that 8 of 29 comparable Republicans and 9 of 40 comparable Democrats also reached. His office publicized the result in April 2025, noting that the Center found him the most effective member of Michigan's House delegation in the 118th Congress (his office, Apr. 2, 2025). That's his office's summary. The figures here come from the Center's data file.

His three stand-alone bills that passed the House in the 118th Congress were the Accredited Investor Definition Review Act (H.R. 1579, voice vote, June 2023), the No U.S. Financing for Iran Act (H.R. 5921, April 2024), and the Prioritizing Economic Growth Over Woke Policies Act (H.R. 4790), on the materiality of SEC disclosure requirements (215–203, Sept. 2024). None became law on its own.

These are the Center's stand-alone counts, the only stage counts it publishes for every Congress back to 2011. Over the full span, Huizenga introduced about as many bills as comparable members of either party, passed more through the House, and had fewer become law on their own. On its classic measure, the Center rated him above his benchmark in the 112th through 114th Congresses (2011–2016). It rated him as meeting it in the 115th through 118th, which include the 116th and 117th, when Republicans were in the minority.

His two stand-alone House passages were the Strategic Ports Reporting Act (H.R. 1701, voice vote, May 22, 2025) and the BRAVE Burma Act (H.R. 3190, voice vote, Feb. 9, 2026). Some members' House passages are annual appropriations bills, which appropriations subcommittee chairmen sponsor as a matter of course.

As a check on the seniority-matched groups, this table compares Huizenga with the members of both parties first elected with him in 2010. Only a few Democrats elected in 2010 stayed in the House through 2024, so their column is too small to generalize from. Members who chaired a full committee are excluded from the longer-run row, as above.

A large share of what members accomplish becomes law as a section of a bigger bill, most often the annual defense authorization. The site's earlier pages missed several of these. Each item below was checked against the enacted text on GovInfo. Where the attribution to Huizenga rests on his office's statement rather than Congress's own bill records, the table says so.

District items he pressed for in laws he didn't write. The Water Resources Development Act of 2024 (P.L. 118-272) authorizes Army Corps studies of Kalamazoo River watershed flooding and ecosystem restoration and of deepening Holland and St. Joseph harbors. His office says he advocated for them. The FY2024 defense authorization authorized $24.5 million for supply facilities at the Naval Reserve Center in Battle Creek (P.L. 118-31, military construction tables), which his office cited in explaining his vote. These show a member steering district priorities through larger bills. They aren't bills he authored.

Passed the House inside a larger bill, not law. Two measures he authored, the FDIC Board Accountability Act and the Enhancing Bank Resolution Participation Act, are part of the Main Street Capital Access Act (H.R. 6955), which passed the House 270–155 on July 21, 2026 and is pending in the Senate.

Several of his bills aim at how Congress budgets rather than at a particular program. The Fiscal Commission Act, which he leads with Rep. Scott Peters (D-Calif.), was approved 22–12 by the House Budget Committee on Jan. 18, 2024 (H.R. 5779). It was reintroduced in 2025 as H.R. 3289 and hasn't had a markup or floor vote in this Congress. In January 2026 he introduced the 3% Resolution (H.Res. 981), with Reps. Peters, Lloyd Smucker (R-Pa.), and Mike Quigley (D-Ill.), which would express the House's support for a deficit target of 3% of GDP. In October 2025 he joined Rep. Peters, the sponsor, in introducing the No Budget, No Pay Act (H.R. 5755). Neither has had committee action. How these bear on the durability test is covered in Fiscal Responsibility.

The data support three findings. First, Huizenga moves bills through committee and through the House more often than comparable members of either party, in 2023–24, over 2011–2024, and in 2025–26 so far. Part of that edge over Democrats reflects majority status, which is why the parties are reported separately. He is also above the Republican medians. Second, his bills seldom become law on their own. What he has gotten into law mostly arrived as sections of defense and FAA laws. Third, most of what advances is national financial-services and foreign-affairs policy, which matches his committee seats but has no MI-4-specific provision.